World War I (WWI, WW1), also known as the, First World War , Great War and War to End All Wars, was a global military conflict which involved the majority of the world's great powers, organized into two opposing military alliances: the Entente Powers and the Central Powers. Over 70 million military personnel were mobilized in one of the largest wars in history. In a state of total war, the major combatants placed their scientific and industrial capabilities at the service of the war effort. Over 15 million people were killed, making it one of the deadliest conflicts in human history.

The proximate catalyst for the war was the 28 June 1914 assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, by a Bosnian-Serb nationalist, Gavrilo Princip. Austria-Hungary's resulting demands against the Kingdom of Serbia led to the activation of a series of alliances which within weeks saw all of the major European powers at war. Because of the global empires of many European nations, the war soon spread worldwide.

By the war's end, four major imperial powers - Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire - had been militarily and politically defeated, with the latter two ceasing to exist as autonomous countries. The revolutionized Soviet Union emerged from the Russian Empire, while the map of central Europe was completely redrawn into numerous smaller states. The League of Nations was formed in the hope of preventing another such conflict. The European nationalism spawned by the war, the repercussions of Germany's defeat, and the Treaty of Versailles would eventually lead to the beginning of World War II in 1939.

War in the Balkans

Faced with Russia, Austria-Hungary could spare only one third of its army to attack Serbia. After suffering heavy losses, the Austrians briefly occupied the Serbian capital, Belgrade. A Serbian counterattack in the battle of Kolubara, however, succeeded in driving them from the country by the end of 1914. For the first ten months of 1915, Austria-Hungary used most of its military reserves to fight Italy. German and Austro-Hungarian diplomats, however, scored a coup by convincing Bulgaria to join in attacking Serbia. The Austro-Hungarian provinces of Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia provided troops for Austria-Hungary, invading Serbia as well as fighting Russia and Italy. Montenegro allied itself with Serbia.

Serbia was conquered in a little more than a month. The attack began in October, when the Central Powers launched an offensive from the north; four days later the Bulgarians joined the attack from the east. The Serbian army, fighting on two fronts and facing certain defeat, retreated into Albania, halting only once in order to make a stand against the Bulgarians. The Serbs suffered defeat near modern day Gnjilane in the Battle of Kosovo. Montenegro covered the Serbian retreat toward the Adriatic coast in the Battle of Mojkovac in 6-7 January 1916, but ultimately the Austrians conquered Montenegro, too. Serbian forces were evacuated by ship to Greece.

In late 1915 a Franco-British force landed at Salonica in Greece, to offer assistance and to pressure the government to declare war against the Central Powers. Unfortunately for the Allies, the pro-German King Constantine I dismissed the pro-Allied government of Eleftherios Venizelos, before the Allied expeditionary force could arrive.

After conquest, Serbia was divided between Austro-Hungary and Bulgaria. Bulgarians commenced bulgarization of the Serbian population in their occupation zone, banishing Serbian Cyrillic and the Serbian Orthodox Church. After forced conscription of the Serbian population into the Bulgarian army in 1917, the Toplica Uprising began. Serbian rebels liberated for a short time the area between the Kopaonik mountains and the South Morava river. The uprising was crushed by joint efforts of Bulgarian and Austrian forces at the end of March 1917.

The Macedonian Front proved static for the most part. Serbian forces retook part of Macedonia by recapturing Bitola on 19 November 1916. Only at the end of the conflict were the Entente powers able to break through, after most of the German and Austro-Hungarian troops had withdrawn. The Bulgarians suffered their only defeat of the war at the Battle of Dobro Pole but days later, they decisively defeated British and Greek forces at the Battle of Doiran, avoiding occupation. Bulgaria signed an armistice on 29 September 1918.

Battle of the Marne: 6-10 September 1914

The July 1914 Crisis: Chronology of Events

1914

• Jun 4 ....newspaper reports of a planned visit of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife to Sarajevo, capital of Bosnia. Object was to attend the army maneuvers as well as create a favorable impression on this his first visit to the Bosnian subjects of this recently acquired territory

• Jun 26 ....Franz Ferdinand and his wife arrive in Sarajevo and mingle with the crowds

• Jun 28 ....Sunday. On their return (official) visit, the royal couple is assassinated by the Bosnian youth Gavrilo Princip

• Jun 29 ....In discussion between Berchtold (Austrian foreign minister) and Conrad (army chief of staff), the latter urges immediate military action against Serbia

  ....In discussion between Berchtold and Count Tisza (Hungarian prime minister), the latter warns of Russian intervention and is doubtful about German support. Decision made to first ascertain the position of Austria's ally Germany

• Jun 30 ....(Note that at this time and subsequently Serbia took no action to investigate on their own account any complicity in the assassination by groups in Serbia. This apparent unconcern was faulted by some observers for ignoring the matter and allowing Austria to present her own version of events. Others felt that that the inaction stemmed from the danger that could be presented by an investigation that could have exposed circumstances that might prove embarrassing to the Serbian government)

• Jul 3 ....The royal couple buried in a private ceremony
• Jul 4 ....Count Hoyos (Austrian foreign ministry official) sent to Berlin to ascertain German policy. German military in favor of early aggressive action by Austria while Russia unprepared. Note the influence on German government of Kaiser Wilhelm's written comment: "Now or never ... matters must be cleared up with Serbia, and that soon"

• Jul 5 ....The German Kaiser offers Austria a 'blank check'--not to delay in taking whatever action Austria decides. Conrad urges mobilization of the army, which the Austrian emperor refuses.

  Problem for the 'war party' in the Austrian government is to secure the agreement of the reluctant Tisza, an effort that took two weeks

  In a letter to the Kaiser, the Austrian emperor asserts Austria's aim is to "isolate and diminish" Serbia (via territorial adjustments in favor of other Balkan states) and thus eliminate Serb influence in the Balkans (i.e., southeastern Europe)

• Jul 6 The German Kaiser leaves on his Scandinavian tour, in the belief, apparently, that neither France nor Russia would take action

  The Austrian investigation discloses that the plot had been hatched in the Serb capital Belgrade and implicated a Serb employee of one of the government ministries as well as Serb army officers. There is no evidence that the Serb government is implicated in the plot

  ....Bethmann-Hollweg (German chancellor) advises that Austria "may be sure that His Majesty (the Kaiser), in accordance with his treaty obligations and old friendship, will stand by Austria's side," thus endorsing the Kaiser's 'blank check' of July 5. The decision is to be Austria's

  Greatly encouraged by these assurances, Berchtold hopes that the crisis can be contained by a localized war against Serbia alone

• Jul 7 The Serbian prime minister denies foreknowledge of the plot

  ...At meeting of the Austrian Council of Ministers--all but Tisza (fearful of Russian intervention) urge military action. Berchtold urges that any diplomatic action taken should "only end in war." Agreement is concluded on presenting an ultimatum, with the hint that it should be so framed as to be unacceptable to Serbia, thus preparing the way for war. Berchtold states: "A war with Russia would be the most probable consequence of our entering Serbia." Count Hoyos, direct from Berlin, reports the German promise of unconditional support to Austria

• Jul 9 ....The German ambassador to Britain reports to hi government that the intention of the British government is to act according to her own judgment and "in no circumstances would be found on the side of the agressors" in the event of war

• Jul 13 ....The Austrian Legal Counselor reports that the investigation of the crime revealed no complicity on the part of the Serbian government in the plot

• Jul 14 ....Count Tisza, influenced by evidence about the assassination plot and the belligerent tone of the Serbian press, withdraws his objection to military action against Serbia but insists on no territorial acquisition. He confirms to the German ambassador that the Austrian note (ultimatum) "is to be so phrased that its acceptance will be practically impossible"

  The German ambassador to Austria reports to his government that the ultimatum will be delivered to Serbia on July 25 [it was actually delivered on July 23]

• Jul 15 ....The French president and prime minister leave on previously planned visit to Russia, arriving in St. Petersburg on July 20 for a three-day visit

• Jul 16 ....The British ambassador to Austria advises Sir Edward Grey (British Foreign Secretary) that "a kind of indictment is being prepared [by Austria] against the Serbian government for alleged complicity in the conspiracy . . Austria would lose her position as a Great Power if she stood any further nonsense from Serbia." (During these days Grey appears to show little concern about the urgency of the situation, adopting a wait-and-see attitude)

• Jul 18 ....Sazonov (Russian foreign minister) warns Austria that Russia would not tolerate "any blow to Serbia's independence"

• Jul 19 ....Discussion of proposed ultimatum (in preparation for about a week) to be sent to Serbia by the Austrian government. The ultimatum is to be so framed as to be unacceptable to Serbia. Meanwhile, secret Austrian mobilization measures already underway

• Jul 20 ....Austrian ultimatum dispatched to the Austrian ambassador in Belgrade (capital of Serbia) for presentation to the Serbian government on July 23 (the delay occasioned by the presence of the French delegation in St. Petersburg)

• Jul 21 ....French president Poincare at St. Petersburg warns Austrian ambassador that "The Russian people are very warm friends of the Serbians, and France is Russia's ally"

  The Serb prime minister, Pasitch, goes off on an election tour for the pending Serb elections to parliament; did not return to Belgrade until Jul 24

• Jul 23 ....Thursday. At 6 p.m. the Austrian ultimatum is delivered to the Serbian government. The preamble referred to Serbia's permitting the anti- Austrian criminal activities of secret societies and press propaganda to go unchallenged, a "culpable tolerance" that had presented a "perpetual menace" to the peace of Austria

  (A French newspaper commenting on points V and VI of the note suggested it required from Serbia an "acknowledgment of vassalage")

  The French delegation leaves St. Petersburg, having affirmed their obligations under the Franco-Russian alliance

• Jul 24 ....Pasitch returns to Belgrade

  Austria informs the governments of Britain, Germany, France, Russia, Italy and Turkey of her ultimatum to Serbia (Note that its general contents were given to the German government by Austria some two weeks earlier, though this was not acknowledged by either)

  Berchtold, Austrian foreign minister, notes: "Any conditional acceptance [of the ultimatum], or one accompanied by reservations, is to be regarded as a refusal"

  On being informed of the terms of the Austrian ultimatum, Sazonov, the Russian foreign minister, declares "It's a European war"

  Russian Council of Ministers resolves to: request Austria to prolong its time limit and not to engage in hostilities; advise Serbia not to oppose an Austrian invasion; request the tsar to authorize partial mobilization[i.e., along the Austrian border only]

  Discussion between Sazonov and the (Russian) army Chief of Staff re Sazonov's idea of partial mobilization despite the fact that Army H.Q. had planned for a general mobilization (i.e., against both Austria and Germany). Partial mobilization approved in principle by the tsar, though not to be carried out until Jul 28

  The French ambassador at St. Petersburg urges a "policy of firmness" on Sazonov.[Note that the French leaders have left Russia at this point; it is believed by some that the ambassador was going beyond his authority in thus attempting to stiffen Russian resolve]

  Interview between French ambassador and Grey in which the former tries to wake up the British foreign minister to the realization that it would be too late for mediation once Austria moved against Serbia

  Grey (with less than a day before the expiration of the ultimatum) urges the German ambassador to attempt a four-power (i.e., Germany, Britain, France and Italy) mediation at Vienna and extension of the time-limit set by Austria

  Sir Eyre Crowe, British foreign office official notes: "Our interests are tied up with those of France and Russia in this struggle, which is not for the possession of Serbia, but one between Germany aiming at a political dictatorship in Europe and the Powers who desire to retain individual freedom"

• Jul 25 ....Saturday. Noon---Russia requests Austria to extend the 48-hour time limit. Austria refuses
  3 p.m. Serbia orders general mobilization and appeals to the tsar ("in your generous Slav heart") for help
  6 p.m. Serbian reply rejected by Austria

  Russian Ministerial Council meeting in the presence of the tsar. The issue: partial mobilization of the army against Austria alone (as a means of exerting diplomatic pressure for moderation), or general mobilization against both Germany and Austria. Decision is made for the less dangerous alternative of partial mobilization against the wishes of the army chiefs (Note the intense pressure on Russia, out of concern for her prestige as a Great Power, not to leave her Slavic brother Serbia in the lurch; the decision for mobilization, even partial, is crucial, for it would be regarded in Austria and Germany as "a sure step towards war")

  The French begin secret military preparations (recall of troops overseas, etc.)

  The German ambassador informs Sir E. Grey that his government had no prior knowledge of the Austrian ultimatum [a lie!]. Grey replies:" . . .between Serbia and Austria I [feel] no title to intervention, but as soon as the question became one between Austria and Russia it was a question of the peace of Europe, in which we must all take a hand"

  The Kaiser, on a memorandum sent by the German ambassador to Russia regarding Sazonov's’ view that Austria's "swallowing" of Serbia would mean Russia would go to war with Austria, notes: "All right! Let her . . ." [Note the comments of former German chancellor von Bulow on the Kaiser as related in his memoirs: " . . . he never led an army in the field. . . He was well aware that he was neurasthenic, without real capacity as a general, and still less able, in spite of his naval hobby, to have led a squadron or even captained a ship"]

  Report of Austrian ambassador to Germany on the state of mind of the German government: "Here it is universally taken for granted that an eventual negative reply by Serbia will be followed by a declaration of war from [Austria] . . . Any delay in commencement of military operations is regarded here [i.e., by the German government] (as presenting) a great danger of the interference of other Powers. They urgently advise us to go ahead and confront the world with a fait accompli . . . The German government tenders the most binding assurances [to Austria] that it in no way associates itself with the (English) proposals (for mediation); is even decidedly against their being considered, and only passes them on in order to conform to the English request" [According to the Austrian chief-of-staff, 16 days would be required before operations could begin, but, under German pressure, it is decided to declare war on July 28]

  Germany replies to Grey's mediation: the Kaiser notes "It is futile, I will not join in"

  Grey proposes to the German ambassador that if Austria and Russia both mobilize, the other Powers (Britain, Germany, France, Italy) should attempt to get them to negotiate before any crossing of each other's frontiers

  The Austrian emperor signs the order for mobilization. (The Serbs, however, fairly confident of Russian support, decline to do the one thing that might avoid an escalation, namely, capitulate entirely to the Austrian demands. It is probable, however, that such submission would have prompted further Austrian claims, such as payment for the costs of mobilization . . .)

• Jul 26 ....Fortress towns in parts of Russia facing the German and Austrian borders are placed in a 'state of war'. Sazonov vainly attempts to interest Germany in seeking mediation (Note that Germany refrained from any military measures until it became aware officially on July 31 that Russia had ordered general mobilization) French and German officers on leave are recalled to their units

  The German ambassador at St. Petersburg suggests to Sazonov that he intervene in an effort to moderate the Austrian demands. Sazonov admits to the ambassador that "certain military preparations had already been taken to avoid surprises" but that mobilization would not be ordered until Austria had crossed the Serb frontier

  Grey, via the German ambassador, requests the German government to use its influence with Austria to get her to negotiate with the Serbs

• Jul 27 ....Austrian ambassador in Germany reports to Berchtold that the German government would not support the idea of Grey's mediation conference

  Sazonov discusses the Austrian ultimatum with the A-H ambassador. He finds paragraphs 4, 5 and 6 to be unacceptable and hopes A-H will tone down its demands on Serbia; rejected by Austria

  The German ambassador in London reports to his government Britain's request for German pressure on Austria to accept the Serbian reply to the ultimatum and be "restrained from prosecuting a . . . foolhardy policy" of "crushing" Serbia that would surely escalate into an Austro-Russian conflict

  The German Kaiser returns to Berlin from his interrupted Scandinavian cruise (though having been informed of developments during his absence from Berlin)

  Britain decides to concentrate its fleet in home ports (i.e., be ready for action), a move that causes panic on the German stock exchange

• Jul 28 ....Germany rejects the British idea of putting pressure on Austria. Meanwhile, upon reading the Serb reply to the Austrian ultimatum, the Kaiser draws back, regarding the response as Serbia's capitulation to Austria's "wholly uncompromising attitude." This prompts Bethmann to offer the Kaiser's mediation so as to avoid a world war. The Kaiser's proposal is for Austria to "Halt in Belgrade," i.e., occupy the Serb capital as a preliminary to negotiations between Austria and Serbia. However, the idea is marred by Bethmann-Hollweg's independent call for early action by Austria if full compliance not forthcoming from Serbia. And, anyway, Austria is about to declare war on Serbia.

  [Some historians have accused Bethmann-Hollweg of playing a double game--pretending to cooperate with Russia and Great Britain while urging on Austria: note that the Kaiser's proposal was not forwarded to Vienna until the following day, after war had been declared]

  6 p.m. Austria declares war on Serbia (brought forward from the planned date of August 12 under pressure from Germany). German government advised that "no aggressive intention exists on the part of Russia towards Germany"

  Partial mobilization (i.e., against Austria only) ordered by Russia in the wake of the Austrian declaration of war and presumed imminent invasion of Serbia. (Reports reaching the German government from Russia indicate public opinion there assuming a measure of Austrian bad faith and desire for war in that country's rejection of an "extremely compliant" Serb reply to the Austrian note)

  Note Sazonov's dilemma: his desire to avoid war prompts him to put the kind of pressure on Austria (via mobilization) that would make her draw back from the brink. But in doing so invites German support for Austria that would make war inevitable unless Russia made a humiliating climbdown, as in the Bosnian annexation crisis of 1908-9. Besides, the promise of German help serves to stiffen Austria not to hold back.
  [Some historians feel, therefore, that it would have been better for the Russians to have avoided a hasty reaction]

  The French army chief advises the Russian military attache of France's "full and active readiness faithfully to execute her responsibilities as an ally"

  Bethmann-Hollweg's directive to the German ambassador to Austria: " It is imperative that the responsibility for the eventual extension of the war among those nations not originally immediately concerned, should, under all circumstances, fall on Russia . . . you will have to avoid very carefully giving rise to the impression that we wish to hold Austria back. The case is solely one of finding a way to realize Austria's desired aim, that of cutting the vital cord of the Greater Serbian propaganda, without at the same time bringing on a world war, and, if the latter cannot be avoided in the end, of improving the conditions under which we shall have to wage it . . ."

  (Note the attitude of Italy, ally of both Germany and Austria: declined to act with Austria whose "ultimatum was so aggressive and inept as to be unacceptable to Italian and European public opinion")

• Jul 29 ....Austria opens the war with the bombardment of the Serb capital Belgrade

  Britain indicates to Germany that she would not remain neutral in a war involving Germany and France. Warns the German ambassador on urgent need for mediation. Preparations authorized for immediate mobilization of the fleet

  The Kaiser attempts to induce Russia to negotiate with Austria; Russian reply is conciliatory but the tsar counters with a proposal to submit the matter for arbitration at the International Court at the Hague (dubbed 'Nonsense' by the Kaiser) and a request that the German emperor "do what you can to stop your ally from going too far." The tsar, encouraged by the Kaiser's apparent desire for peace, suspends the order for general mobilization of the Russian armed forces and, instead, against the wishes of the army chiefs, orders partial mobilization

  The German government advises Russia that Russian military measures would force Germany to mobilize, rendering war all the more inevitable

  Berchtold, cognisant of Russia's partial mobilization order, tries to induce Germany to mobilize against Russia and thus force a climbdown similar to that in 1909 over the Bosnian crisis

  The German chancellor promises Britain that in a general war there would be no annexation of French territory in Europe by Germany if Great Britain remained neutral in the impending conflict. He would give no assurance about respecting the neutrality of Belgium (which was a main concern of G.B.), indicating that she would have to yield to 'military necessity' as judged by army HQ [i.e., accord with the Schlieffen (war) Plan]. All this was rejected by Britain as a virtual "intention to violate Belgian neutrality"
  [Apparently both Germany and Austria believed that their combined strength would induce the other powers to back off--a grave miscalculation]

  The German Chief of the General Staff, von Moltke, offers his views on the crisis to Bethmann-Hollweg:
  (a) A-H could not go to war against Serbia without mobilizing against Russia out of fear for her security;
  (b) Austrian mobilization woould make an Austro-Russian clash inevitable;
  (c) Grmany would therefore have to mobilize against Russia to protect Austria

  Moltke envisions a war "which will annihilate the civilization of almost the whole of Europe for decades to come"

  The tsar signs orders for both partial and general (full) mobilization pending institution of one or the other as military considerations decree. On this same day the order for mobilization against Austria alone (i.e., partial mobilization) is issued. Thus, Russia is prepared to mobilize against Austria even though Austria has not herself mobilized against Russia

• Jul 30 The Russian proposal to Germany for the intervention of the Hague Court is rejected (Austria will not cease her military operations as long as Russia is mobilized, nor will Russia cease hers while Austria is at war with Serbia!)

  Bethmann-Hollweg passes on Britain's warning to Austria and suggests acceptance of the British proposals for four-power mediation. Now, after the eleventh hour, Bethmann comments: "We must urgently and emphatically commend to the consideration of the Vienna Cabinet [i.e., the Austrian government] the acceptance of mediation"

  France, though anxious that no pretext be given for escalating the crisis, orders military preparations for protection of her frontier with Germany; though no troops were to move closer than about 6 miles to the German border. The French government assures Britain that "France, like Russia, will not fire the first shot"

  Sir E. Grey rejects the German request for British neutrality: " . . . to make this bargain with Germany at the expense of France would be a disgrace from which the good name of this country would never recover."

  Bethmann-Hollweg advises Austria that, in view of the opposition of Britain and likely lack of support from Italy, she should undertake only minimal measures against Serbia (the occupation of Belgrade, perhaps) and thus avoid a wider war among the powers (Note that German plans have been seriously dented by probable British support for Russia and France

  Austria gives no support to Bethmann-Hollweg's proposal, thus prompting the following reply from the German chancellor: "We are ready . . to fulfill our obligations as an ally, but must refuse to allow ourselves to be drawn by [Austria] into a world conflagration frivolously and in disregard of our advice" (a changed attitude apparently motivated by the hardening attitude of Britain)

  In a communication to the Kaiser, the Russian tsar admits that Russian secret military preparations had begun on July 24. The Kaiser, surmising bad faith negotiations by the Russians, ceases his attempts at mediation (perhaps a ploy to have Russia later branded as an aggressor)

  The French president attempts to get Britain to declare her intention to support France so as to induce moderation from Germany. The British remain non-committal, wishing to avoid commitments announced in advance

  6 p.m. The tsar, under intense pressure from the military, orders general mobilization to come into effect next day, thus making a general war almost inevitable. Apparently the Russian government believed, mistakenly, that German had begun her own mobilization

  Under pressure from the military, the German chancellor demands withdrawal of the Russian mobilization order, a circumstance that would be most unlikely considering Russia's recent (1909) loss of face over the Bosnian crisis---her status as a great power would thereby be gravely lessened

  The German government conveys its views on the crisis as a guide to its foreign ambassadors: "The final object of the Panslavic [i.e., Greater Serbia] agitations carried on against Austria-Hungary is . . . the destruction of the Danube Monarchy [i.e., the Austro-Hungarian empire], the breaking-up or weakening of the Triple Alliance (of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy), and, as a result, the complete isolation of the German empire. Accordingly, our own self-interest summons us to the side of Austria-Hungary"

• Jul 31 ....Sir E. Grey's further mediation attempt comes to nought

  British memorandum to France and Germany requests assurances that Belgian neutrality would be respected. France gives an immediate unqualified assurance; Germany ignores the request

  Noon. Germany receives word of the Russian mobilization, thus giving her the 'green light' (and justification before the German people) to move against Russia and her ally France in accordance with her long-held war plans.

  1 p.m. Following the Russian mobilization, Germany proclaims a state of "threatening danger of war," preparatory to actual mobilization

  Conversation between Grey and the French ambassador, Paul Cambon, in which the latter asked whether England would help France if she were attacked by Germany. Grey’s reply, indicative of his ‘wait-and-see’ attitude even at this late date, was: " . . . as far as things had gone at present . . . we could not undertake any definite engagement"[!]

  7 p.m. Germany asks France to declare its intentions within 18 hours. France replies that she will "act in accordance with her interests" (It was later discovered that if France had opted for neutrality, Germany would have demanded the turning over to Germany of her vital frontier fortresses of Toul and Verdun, to be held as a pledge of French neutrality until the end of the war with Russia!!)

  Midnight. Germany demands suspension of the Russian war measures within 12 hours; rejected by Russia the next day

  Telegram of the German Chief of the General Staff, von Moltke, to his Austrian counterpart, Conrad: " . . . mobilize at once against Russia [which had mobilized on the previous day]. Germany will mobilize" [This is now in sharp contrast with the pacific stance of the politician Bethmann and that of the Emperor]

  Austria orders general mobilization

• Aug 1 ....General mobilization ordered by France at 4.45 p.m.

  General mobilization ordered by Germany at 5 p.m.

  Germany declares war on Russia at 6 p.m.

  Italy declares herself to be neutral on the grounds that Austria was engaged on an aggressive war and hence withdraws from the Triple Alliance

• Aug 2 ....3 p.m. Britain promises naval protection to France in event of hostile German naval activity

  7 p.m. German demand for benevolent Belgian neutrality (drafted since July 26) and access to German troops

• Aug 3 ....7 a.m. Belgium refuses the German demands

  Germany concludes treaty of alliance with Turkey

  6.15 p.m. Germany declares war on France

• Aug 4 ....2 p.m. British ultimatum to Germany following her violation of Belgian territory earlier in the day. With its rejection by Germany, Britain is now at war with Germany

• Aug 6 ....Austria declares war on Russia . . . .six days later than Germany

In countless ways, World War I created the fundamental elements of 20th century history. Genocide emerged as an act of war. So did the use of poison gas on the battlefield. The international system was totally transformed. On the political right fascism came out of the war; on the left a communist movement emerged backed by the Soviet Union. Reluctantly, but unavoidably, America became a world power. The British Empire reached its high point and started to unravel. Britain never recovered from the shock of war, and started her decline to the ranks of the second-class powers. At the peace conference of 1919, the German, Turkish, and Austro-Hungarian empires were broken up. New boundaries were drawn in Europe and the Middle East, boundaries -- as in Iraq and Kuwait -- which were still intact at the end of the century.
 
Just as the war was ending, German Nationalists like Hitler gathered millions who rejected the peace and blamed Jews and Communists for their defeat. The road to the Second World War started there.
 
Even after Germany's second defeat in 1945, the shadow of the Great War was still visible. Then came the shock waves of 1989-91, ending the "short 20th century," an era that began with the great war and concluded with the collapse of communism and the reunification of Germany in a robust European community. The German problem -- so central to World War I -- appeared to be resolved. But other problems have emerged that are disturbingly similar to those that plagued the world in 1914.